JAN-B-3
THE CURRENT STATUS OF
From: kevin bergman <kbergman@yahoo.com>
To: Glenn Geelhoed <msdgwg@gwumc.edu>
Date:
Subject:
fyi.
Posted
to the web
Herbst.
small
part of the future of
in
declared its independence in 1991.
In its bustling but impoverished capital of Hargeysa,
the most striking contrast with most African cities is
the sense of order. Police ‑‑ who, given their
salaries, are almost volunteers ‑‑ stand in the hot
sun and direct obedient drivers. Money‑changers sit on
the side of the street with huge piles of cash
visible, waiting for customers.
Order is supposed to be the defining characteristic of
a
state, but
the world as a sovereign entity. Instead, the world
insists
on clinging to the fiction that
government that rules over a united territory.
Understanding
why the world pretends that
does not exist tells us much about the foibles of the
international politics of recognition.
colonial period. In 1960, during the rush to
decolonization,
days
before joining with former
create
the
thug‑President Mohamed Siad Barre declared war on
wanted to go it alone. Government fighters, taking off
from the Hargeysa airport, systematically bombed the
city, destroying just about every building. In an
event all but unnoticed by the international
community, 50,000 people were killed and approximately
500,000 of the population of 2 million became refugees
in
neighboring
For several years, strife and conflict continued, but
and a government formed; the refugees returned and
embarked on a long process of rebuilding. In 2001, 98
percent of voters opted in a free and fair election
for a new constitution that boldly proclaimed the case
for independence.
monitored, local council elections in 2002 and a free
and fair presidential election in April 2003. The
presidential election was most notable because the
ruling UDUB party, led by President Dahir Rayale
Kahin, won by only 217 votes out of almost 500,000
cast. The opposition party KULMIYE challenged the
tally but, in a moment of extraordinary responsibility
given
almost every conflict, eventually accepted the
results.
elections this year (the legislature is currently
appointed). At that point, it will have a far more
impressive democracy than most African countries.
One would think that the natural response of the
outside world to the extraordinary accomplishments of
the Somalilanders would be respect and recognition,
especially
because
government and is still in absolute ruins a decade
after one of the most expensive humanitarian
interventions in history. That is not the logic of the
Horn
of
Somalis can agree on is that they do not want
The
rest of
of the decisions that African leaders took at
independence was to retain the irrational boundaries
they had received from colonialists, because they
could not think of anything better and because they
thought that any credence given to self‑determination
would cause the continent to descend into chaos. The
permanence of boundaries has become a major asset for
African leaders who do not have to prove that they
control their territories or even that they are a
legitimate government in order to be granted
international recognition and sovereign equality.
The Somalilanders made their own peace without the
benefit of international mediators and conflict
resolution experts. Of course, they still face
extraordinary problems. Literacy may only be 30
percent; education for girls is left to Koranic
schools; significant parts of the government are
corrupt; just about all men have weapons at home and a
good many of them spend much of their income and
afternoons chewing kat leaves, an addictive stimulant
imported
from
killing of an Italian nurse and a British couple
raised
concerns across
vulnerable to terrorist attacks from those who are
determined not to let secession go forward.
Nevertheless,
recognizing
signal
to the rest of
and that sovereignty granted in the 1960s will not be
an excuse to fail forever. Few regions of any African
country actually want to secede; thus the world could
recognize the achievements and legal idiosyncrasies of
ask what more they can do when the international
community
continues to recognize
anarchic, violent places as sovereign units. It is
time to give them an answer.
Jeffrey Herbst is chairman of the department of
politics
at
first published in the Washington Post on January 2,
2004.
‑‑‑ Glenn Geelhoed <msdgwg@gwumc.edu> wrote:
> >>> kevin bergman <kbergman@yahoo.com> 01/15/04
>
> we didnt actually decide yet but... fyi
> ‑‑‑ Saad Noor <snoor@wesi.com> wrote:
> > From: "Saad Noor" <snoor@wesi.com>
> > To: "'kevin bergman'" <kbergman@yahoo.com>
>
> Subject: RE: Surgical mission to
> 1‑16
>
> Date: Thu,
> >
> >
> >
> > Kevin,
> > Thanks for your our decision and the team's
> decision
> > to go to our beloved
>
> "Maandeeq", as
> to
> > us. Maanddeeq means the
> > mind satisfier! And thank you for your kind words
> > about humble me. Your
> > message to Edna was diplomatic and precisely clear
> > and I hope it will
> > suffice.
> > I sent a message to the Presidency and asked for
> > immediate approval of the
> > mission's visit and the undertaking of the
> necessary
> > preparations needed for
> > the team's work. I hope I will get an answer early
> > next week.
> > Your global outlook, affinity to the needy, wit
> and
> > enthusiasm are very
> > inspiring.
> > Will be in touch.
> > Best
> >
> >
>
>
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